Explainer: Do the Greek elections spell a Grexit?

‘; var fr = document.getElementById(adID); setHash(fr, hash); fr.body = body; var doc = getFrameDocument(fr); doc.open(); doc.write(body); setTimeout(function() {closeDoc(getFrameDocument(document.getElementById(adID)))}, 2000); } function renderJIFAdWithInterim(holderID, adID, srcUrl, width, height, hash, bodyAttributes) { setHash(document.getElementById(holderID), hash); document.dcdAdsR.push(adID); document.write( »); } function renderIJAd(holderID, adID, srcUrl, hash) { document.dcdAdsAA.push(holderID); setHash(document.getElementById(holderID), hash); document.write( » + ‘ript’); } function renderJAd(holderID, adID, srcUrl, hash) { document.dcdAdsAA.push(holderID); setHash(document.getElementById(holderID), hash); document.dcdAdsH.push(holderID); document.dcdAdsI.push(adID); document.dcdAdsU.push(srcUrl); } function er_showAd() { var regex = new RegExp(« externalReferrer=(.*?)(; |$) », « gi »); var value = regex.exec(document.cookie); if (value value.length == 3) { var externalReferrer = value[1]; return (!FD.isInternalReferrer() || ((externalReferrer) (externalReferrer 0))); } return false; } function isHome() { var loc = «  » + window.location; loc = loc.replace(« // », «  »); var tokens = loc.split(« / »); if (tokens.length == 1) { return true; } else if (tokens.length == 2) { if (tokens[1].trim().length == 0) { return true; } } return false; } function checkAds(checkStrings) { var cs = checkStrings.split(‘,’); for (var i = 0; i 0 cAd.innerHTML.indexOf(c) 0) { document.dcdAdsAI.push(cAd.hash); cAd.style.display =’none’; } } } if (!ie) { for (var i = 0; i 0 doc.body.innerHTML.indexOf(c) 0) { document.dcdAdsAI.push(fr.hash); fr.style.display =’none’; } } } } } if (document.dcdAdsAI.length 0 || document.dcdAdsAG.length 0) { var pingServerParams = « i= »; var sep = «  »; for (var i=0;i 0) { var pingServerUrl = « /action/pingServerAction? » + document.pingServerAdParams; var xmlHttp = null; try { xmlHttp = new XMLHttpRequest(); } catch(e) { try { xmlHttp = new ActiveXObject(« Microsoft.XMLHttp »); } catch(e) { xmlHttp = null; } } if (xmlHttp != null) { xmlHttp.open( « GET », pingServerUrl, true); xmlHttp.send( null ); } } } function initAds(log) { for (var i=0;i 0) { doc.removeChild(doc.childNodes[0]); } doc.open(); var newBody = fr.body; if (getCurrentOrd(newBody) != «  » ) { newBody = newBody.replace(« ;ord= »+getCurrentOrd(newBody), « ;ord= » + Math.floor(100000000*Math.random())); } else { newBody = newBody.replace(« ;ord= », « ;ord= » + Math.floor(100000000*Math.random())); } doc.write(newBody); document.dcdsAdsToClose.push(fr.id); } } else { var newSrc = fr.src; if (getCurrentOrd(newSrc) != «  » ) { newSrc = newSrc.replace(« ;ord= »+getCurrentOrd(newSrc), « ;ord= » + Math.floor(100000000*Math.random())); } else { newSrc = newSrc.replace(« ;ord= », « ;ord= » + Math.floor(100000000*Math.random())); } fr.src = newSrc; } } } if (document.dcdsAdsToClose.length 0) { setTimeout(function() {closeOpenDocuments(document.dcdsAdsToClose)}, 500); } } }; var ie = isIE(); if(ie typeof String.prototype.trim !== ‘function’) { String.prototype.trim = function() { return this.replace(/^s+|s+$/g,  »); }; } document.dcdAdsH = new Array(); document.dcdAdsI = new Array(); document.dcdAdsU = new Array(); document.dcdAdsR = new Array(); document.dcdAdsEH = new Array(); document.dcdAdsE = new Array(); document.dcdAdsEC = new Array(); document.dcdAdsAA = new Array(); document.dcdAdsAI = new Array(); document.dcdAdsAG = new Array(); document.dcdAdsToClose = new Array(); document.igCount = 0; document.tCount = 0; var dcOrd = Math.floor(100000000*Math.random()); document.dcAdsCParams = «  »; var savValue = getAdCookie(« sav »); if (savValue != null savValue.length 2) { document.dcAdsCParams = savValue + « ; »; } document.dcAdsCParams += « csub={csub}; »; var aamCookie=function(e,t){var i=document.cookie,n= » »;return i.indexOf(e)-1(n= »u= »+i.split(e+ »= »)[1].split(« ; »)[0]+ »; »),i.indexOf(t)-1(n=n+decodeURIComponent(i.split(t+ »= »)[1].split(« ; »)[0])+ »; »),n}(« aam_did », »aam_dest_dfp_legacy »);

Among Tsipras’s first orders of business will be a round of tough negotiations with Greece’s creditors, who have bailed out the country to the tune of €240 billion on condition that Greece pursues a system of austerity.

In his victory speech, Tsipras set the stage for a showdown, declaring « Europe is going to change. »

In his victory speech, Alexis Tsipras set the stage for a showdown, declaring Europe is going to change.

In his victory speech, Alexis Tsipras set the stage for a showdown, declaring « Europe is going to change ». Photo: AP

« The sovereign Greek people today have given a clear, strong, indisputable mandate, » he said.

« Greece has turned a page. Greece is leaving behind the destructive austerity, fear and authoritarianism. It is leaving behind five years of humiliation and pain. »

Although Tsipras has formally said he does not want to leave the euro, his party’s hardline anti-austerity policies have not been looked on favourably by Greece’s creditors, namely Germany.

As both sides go to the trenches in the coming weeks, here are the most likely scenarios to come from the negotiations.

Successful re-negotiation on debt

Under an international bailout involving the International Monetary Fund, the European Central Bank and European Commission – the « troika » – Greece has borrowed nearly €240 billion ($343.8 billion).

On the table is a final bailout tranche of €7.2 billion ($10.3 billion), but the troika has made it clear this remaining aid is conditional on Greece implementing further austerity measures.

While Tsipras has made it clear he wants to end Greece’s austerity, the country is still battling astronomical debt – about 175.5 per cent of gross domestic product – as well as 26 per cent unemployment, including 50 per cent youth unemployment.

If Syriza don’t agree to more austerity conditions, Greece won’t get the loans it needs to avoid default by the summer, which would all but shore up a Grexit. 

Tsipras will probably go to the negotiation table seeking the final bailout sum and a reduction in Greece’s debt or an easing of the terms of repayment. But for the troika to agree to refinance Greece’s loans, Tsipras will have to scale back some of Syriza’s more profligate policies, including his promise to increase public expenditure and expand the public sector payroll.

However, even with some concessions from Syriza, the key issue will remain: Greece won’t be able to pay off its debt any time soon.

Despite the friction, a negotiated outcome is most likely, because it suits neither side’s vested interests – Greece or its main creditor Germany – for Greece to leave the eurozone. This brings us to the two other potential scenarios, both of which contemplate a Grexit.

Greece defaults on debt

The attractiveness of a debt-free life outside the eurozone might lead Greece down the path of default. Abandoning its debt and leaving the eurozone would mean Greece would be instantly locked out of international markets, leaving it to fend for itself with a newly reintroduced drachma. It would then have to print drachma to fund its policies, leading to rampant inflation.

While a devalued drachma might entice more holidaymakers from around Europe, a bolstered tourism industry wouldn’t be enough to stimulate Greece’s economy to the extent it needs in the short term to fund its public service and welfare programs. With an ailing economy, and massive unemployment, there are few clear ways Greece could generate income without reliance on outside funds. In short, the consequences for Greece of leaving the euro are unpredictable, but at the extreme end it could result in internal economic catastrophe, with skyrocketing inflation, recession and the possibility of Greece’s banks collapsing.

For this reason, many commentators predict Syriza will be the first to blink in the debt negotiations.

Greece pushed towards exit

There is a possibility that Greece could be strong-armed by its creditors towards an exit by them refusing to consider Syriza’s debt-restructuring pleas. This theory is based on speculation that Germany is fed up with pumping money into Greece and that a cost-benefit analysis now favours Germany cutting its needy neighbour loose.

Other commentators have been quick to reject this. First, a Grexit would set an unsettling precedent that might trigger some of the other struggling countries in the eurozone, such as Spain or Italy, to follow.

It is also not in Germany’s interest for the zone to splinter – euro membership increases Germany’s annual economic growth by 0.5 per cent of GDP.

As Bloomberg contributor Leonid Bershidsky notes:

« Germany stands to gain €1.2 trillion from it between 2013 and 2025, much more than it would contribute to any Greek bailout. The amount Germany could lose if Greece reneged on troika debt – €70 billion in taxpayer funds – pales in comparison. »

Publicly, German Chancellor Angela Merkel has maintained her support for Greece remaining in the euro, affirming in January that she had « no doubt whatsoever » that a « successful conclusion » would be reached with Greece.

 




Special offers

Credit card, savings and loan rates by Mozo

Executive Style



Money


Mozo 2014

Trim thousands off your home loan

Jobs


Find your perfect job today

Horse Racing


WizardOfOdds_banner_172x115

The Ultimate Horse Racing Form Guide

Holiday Rentals


Sapphire Seas Beach House

Over 40,000 amazing holiday homes across Australia

Essential Baby


beach dad

16 times ‘dad reflexes’ saved the day


Compare and Save

Skip to:

Check out today’s best deals

0% p.a. for 16 Months

Enjoy a low rate on balance transfers. Conditions apply

Need a Personal Loan?

No monthly fees + no penalties for early repayments

Boost your Savings

Compare savings accounts from leading lenders today

iPhone 6

We compare all carriers and deals

Deals for 2015

Switching networks or staying, we compare it



Feedback Form







Laisser un commentaire